Thursday, 30 May 2013
Can politicians be objective?
The question we need to ask is; can
politicians whose political party is funded by individuals or groups, be
objective in not favouring those individuals or groups when it comes to access
to government contracts?
The straight answer is no, they cannot but
they need to be if we are to fight corruption. They can only be so if they are
adequate checks and balances to ensure that even if they are not objective,
they are unable to effect any favour.
Government procurement and tender
procedures must therefore be an area of focus. In my opinion, the regulating of
the funding of political parties cannot be isolated from the need for
transparent governance and internal controls especially on government
procurement procedures.
We all know the challenges faced here,
where, political parties tend to deploy their cadres into strategic positions
in anticipation of individuals returning favours for such appointments. This
practice is rife in African countries. In fact the ANC in South Africa openly
admits that yes indeed it has a policy of cadre deployment. This has resulted
in serious corruption in the procurement of government business, especially where
tenders are offered – obviously in the name of Black Economic Empowerment!
Unfortunately, in the USA for example, we
also have seen favour to specific companies when it comes to defence contracts
even in the face of strong regulations of political funding.
I do not think that this practice can be
totally curbed but could be mitigated through an independent government
procurement body and an independent tender board which must take away the
function from line ministries. This, of course may have its inefficiencies
regarding the speed at which objective decision can be made. But rather than
having a loose decentralized and opaque system as in the case in developing
democracies, the secret, of course, would be to appoint individuals to these
bodies who are non partisan but also, to have such bodies accountable to the
public. For example all information could be made available to the public on
the internet as the UK plans to do.
Another problem we face is the Official
Secret Acts that tends to limit access by the public to government information.
The new Zimbabwean constitution deals with this matter but we are yet to see it
in practice.
It must be evident to all that the funding
of political parties and its effects are rather complex subjects that cannot be
effectively dealt with without looking at governance as a whole.
It is therefore important that, when
considering solutions, to examine and understand all facets of government
practice, values and systems that are in place.
In emerging democracies it will take a long
time and significant political will to ensure that political funding has no
negative effects on governance.
By Vince Musewe
Contestation for Political Office must not be for the Elites
Zimbabweans are all too familiar
with the name Egypt Dzinemunenzva, leader of African National Party (ANP), perennial
presidential candidate. The country has also encountered countless other candidates
dismissed by people as dubious. These and many other individuals fed up with
ZANU-PF misrule have sought to stop further suffering of people by vying for
the highest political office.
Some of those who have contested
in previous elections, the likes of ZANU Ndonga’s Wilson Kumbula, the late
Enoch Dumbutshena’s Forum Party, fiery guerilla leader Edgar Tekere’s ZUM,
Wurayayi Zembe’s Democratic Party (DP) among a host of others could – could not
sustain a fierce battle against ZANU-PF’s decades old rule owing to inferior
resources.
While ZANU-PF and the two MDC
formations are building massive support partially through state funding, the
smaller parties are languishing in abject poverty. This has only perpetuated the domination of Zimbabwe’s
political space by elites, thus reducing the noble battle for democratisation
to money rather than the merit of party ideology.
The Political Parties Finance Act
sidelines the poor and the ordinary candidate while promoting interests of
political fat cats who can easily manipulate citizens for selfish interest. Allowing
the country to continue using such a prohibitive and restrictive law is
tantamount to declaring politics a privilege of the financially gifted. Throughout the world, elitist politics have
been dismissed on the basis that if elected into government, an elite leader
will not dare listen to the voices of the ordinary men in the streets. This is
one of the many reasons why former coal miners in England celebrated the death
of Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher.
A
closer look at the 2008 harmonized elections reveals that some political
parties and candidates existed only on the eve of the national plebiscite, more
accurately, on Nomination Court day! No party or candidate expects to win an election
without campaigning. Campaigning needs both financial and human resources. It
is imperative that Zimbabwe enacts laws that treat all political parties
existing in the country as equal players.
ZESN
argues that political multiplicity is necessary to strengthen democratic environment. In such a scenario, citizens –
especially women candidates - must be exposed to skills of how to raise money,
campaign, and build name recognition. Institutions like WIPSU [women in
politics support unit]; WAFA [women’s academy for Africa] have to link women
candidates to fundraising networks. Ideally, they must be given priority to funding
quotas; otherwise the regulatory framework must impose mandatory limits on
campaign funding.
Democracy is all about affording
citizens varied and diverse choices during elections. Any political candidate
vying for political office should be afforded equal opportunities to reach the
masses and market his/her party manifesto. Different and diverse political
parties, candidates and manifestos remain the only oil that fuels the democracy
engine to flourish modern day politics.
By Thomas Madhuku
The inevitability of foreign funding of political parties
During the 1970s liberation war, Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) was trained in and funded by Russia. Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) was Chinese-trained and also funded by the Chinese government during the same war. The two military wings were united in wanting an independent Zimbabwe and they prevailed. It is therefore common cause that there is no noble political mission whose objectives can be achieved without sustainable finance. If the country’s major military wings during the significant liberation struggle sought external funding, this then means that even to this day, there is a crying need for political parties in Zimbabwe to seek funding beyond the borders albeit legitimately.
Zimbabwe Election
Network [ZESN] has undertaken numerous studies on how and why political parties
require sustainable funding. Democracy and political competition is stifled
where parties lack finance. Zimbabwe’s electoral process is generally in two
stages: where a candidate battles it out with those of his/her party in
primaries and then having to contend with more of other political parties. This
costs money.
Until the passage of the
Political Parties (Finance) Act of 1992 in Zimbabwe, there was no provision for
the financing of political parties. Even though, candidates from all the three
beneficiating parties in the GNU will argue that party financing will never be
enough. The Act itself is not exhaustive since it leaves a lot of room for
abuse. By prohibiting political parties and candidates from receiving funds
from foreign donors, one would assume it plugs the holes on what exactly
‘legitimate’ funds can be used for. It is common cause that parties channel
some of the funds to institutional cost centres that have very little to do
with democracy.
Moreover, the ‘big
budgets’ that are reflected from the expenditures of both ZANU-PF and MDC-T
raise a lot of questions on where additional funds come from. Membership fees,
merchandise sales and other ‘donations’ from internal sources do not match some
expenditure flouted by the two political parties. Of late, MDC’s Professor
Welshman Ncube has been questioned by ‘small’ parties where he secures funds to
‘flood’ his constituents with bicycles!
Although major political
parties often accuse each other of being bankrolled by foreign donors with
imperial motives, no convictions under the current Act are on record. ZANU-PF
officials routinely embark on trips to the Far East and MDC officials travel
mostly to western countries. There is no regulatory framework in place to audit
such trips.
Fringe political parties
like Mavambo Kusile Dawn [MKD], ZAPU, ZLP and MDC99 have always sought to
either discredit the Act or push for its repeal. They argue that barring
foreign funding of political parties is a brainchild of ZANU-PF aimed at
incapacitating the then opposition parties which were seen as a threat to the
party’s perpetual political hegemony. However, political scientist Eldred
Masunungure seems to concur with ZESN studies that as long as the regulatory
framework is porous, fringe political parties can still source funds without
breaking the law.
Small parties have a
point. Political parties need money to operate and there is no doubt that
strong democracies require healthy political parties and in turn, political
parties require resources to sustain and operate a basic party structure, to
contest elections and to contribute to policy debate. This helps in promoting
democracy in general, rather than mere electoral competition.
By Jeffrey Moyo
Will regulating political parties lead to better democracy?
Politics is about
money and power, not necessarily the pursuance of the common good.
When
done in good faith, party regulation is meant to promote transparency and
democratic accountability to the public, curb corrupt practices and provide for
penalties for breach of the regulations.
The
question is; does good faith exist when it comes to seeking political power?
I
contend that politics in Africa is still a dirty game where transparency and
public accountability are not a priority. Because of this, the regulation of
funding of political parties will remain an ideal that is unlikely to be
achieved in the short term, even if there are regulatory laws in place.
Individuals
and corporates support political parties because of what they anticipate to
benefit from them once they are in power. This funding is largely determined by
what a political party stands for. However, experience has shown us despite
what political party may state as its intended objectives, the exercise of
power is a completely different ball game compared to electioneering. The
majority of political parties in Africa have been unable to deliver that which
they have promised.
It
is my opinion that politics is hardly a fair game that can be effectively
regulated and where such regulation exists, we have not seen any evidence of
transparency and accountability by the political parties. They continue to be
secretive and clandestine in the way they operate particularly when it comes to
finances. I think this is so because funding is indeed a competitive advantage
for any political party and there will continue to be a tendency for keeping
that information private.
In
Zimbabwe the separation of the state machinery from the ruling political party
continues to be a challenge and this means that the use of public funds by the
ruling party will continue to be opaque and secretive as we have experienced. Even
where funding is ‘regulated’ by the Political Parties Finance Act, will
regulating funding of political parties instill a sense of ‘public
accountability’? I doubt that.
Emerging
political parties need funding to survive and grow but we continue to see
proposals that promote their funding by the public only once they have achieved
a certain threshold. This means that they are unable to access funding when
they need it most at establishment phase. The barriers to entry for new
entrants will therefore continue to limit the democratic space.
Yes
democracy in Africa needs to be deepened through the promotion of multi party
systems. However their funding and how they manage their affairs need not be in
the public domain. Freedom of expression and association ceases to be freedom
once there is a regulatory body that seeks to control how citizens express
their freedom and how they organize themselves into political parties.
We must never
ignore the fact that: politics is about money and power, not necessarily the
pursuance of the common good.
By Vince
Musewe
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